Kent mekan\u0131 politik bir sava\u015f alan\u0131 m\u0131d\u0131r? Soruya verece\u011fimiz cevap b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda kent ve\/veya sava\u015f kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 ve devletin\/h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yerel ve ulusal politikalar\u0131yla yak\u0131ndan ili\u015fkili olacakt\u0131r. Siyasetin mekana ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu gibi mekan\u0131n da siyasete ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle 2002 sonras\u0131 AKP politikalar\u0131nda, genel olarak mekan; \u00f6zelde ise kent mekan\u0131 siyasal iktidar taraf\u0131ndan tan\u0131mlanan d\u00fc\u015fmanla olan sava\u015f\u0131n hem nesnesi hem de ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumundad\u0131r. Bir tarafa t\u00fcm muktedirli\u011fiyle kenti hem de\u011fi\u015fim de\u011feri \u00fczerinden parlatarak pazarlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, hem de metala\u015ft\u0131rarak \u00fczerinden ekonomik ve siyasi rant elde etmeyi ama\u00e7layan siyasal iktidar\u0131 koyarsak, di\u011fer tarafa kente aidiyet hissetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan; s\u00f6z hakk\u0131 isteyen ve kendine dayat\u0131lan\u0131 y\u0131karak kendi haklar\u0131n\u0131 kendisi kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan yurtta\u015flar\u0131 koyabiliriz. Sermayenin kent \u00fczerinde egemenlik kurmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u201ckentle\u015fmesi\u201d gerekir. David Harvey, son y\u0131llarda s\u0131kl\u0131kla g\u00fcndeme gelen Henri Lefebvre\u2019nin pop\u00fcler kavram\u0131 \u201c\u015eehir Hakk\u0131\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na de\u011finirken tam da bu y\u00fczden, \u015fehir hakk\u0131n\u0131 bir ama\u00e7tan ziyade bir ara\u00e7 olarak tan\u0131mlar:<\/p>\n\n\n\n
M\u00fctemadi birikime dayal\u0131 kapitalist sistem, onunla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olan s\u00f6m\u00fcrenler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve devlet iktidar\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131yla birlikte tasfiye edilmelidir. \u015eehir hakk\u0131n\u0131 talep etmek bu amaca giden yolda bir u\u011frakt\u0131r. Her ne kadar gitgide tutulacak en elveri\u015fli yollardan biri gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, asla ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir ama\u00e7 olamaz<\/em><\/strong>.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u015eehir hakk\u0131 bir bak\u0131ma, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan \u00f6nceki, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n m\u00fc\u015ftereklerini; sokaklar\u0131, mahalleleri, meydanlar\u0131 ve en nihayetinde sermayenin ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi kentleri geri alarak, insan\u0131n kendini yeniden kurma \u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki bu \u00e7aba \u00e7oklukla isyan, direni\u015f ve ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 gerektirir, zira m\u00fc\u015fterekleri savunan halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015fman, sonunu getirmesi beklenen krizlerden beslenen kapitalizm ve onun ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 siyasal iktidard\u0131r. Tam da bu y\u00fczden kentte, insana ve\/veya mekana dair her talep asl\u0131nda bir sava\u015f habercisidir. James Holston bu y\u00fczden g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz kentini bir sava\u015f alan\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr; yoksul\/yoksun s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n sosyal hareketlili\u011fi vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 resmi tan\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131p geni\u015fletirken, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131 ve \u201ckendi kendini y\u00f6netme\u201dnin yeni \u015fekilleri i\u00e7in kaynak yaratm\u0131\u015f olur.[2]<\/a> Tabii ki bu hak arama eylemlili\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda hakim s\u0131n\u0131flar bo\u015f durmaz; kentin bu yeni akt\u00f6rlerine kar\u015f\u0131 ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme, d\u0131\u015flama ve kendileri i\u00e7in g\u00fcvenli kaleler yaratma yoluyla yeni \u201csava\u015f stratejileri\u201d geli\u015ftirirler. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki bu e\u015fitsiz bir sava\u015ft\u0131r. Bir tarafta ellerinde silah olarak kendi eylemlilikleri ve en nihayetinde canlar\u0131yla sava\u015fan bir s\u0131n\u0131flar koalisyonu varken; di\u011fer tarafta kenti ele ge\u00e7iren, devleti\/hukuku\/y\u00f6netim \u015feklini hakimiyeti alt\u0131nda tutan ve bu anlamda sava\u015fmak i\u00e7in her t\u00fcrl\u00fc g\u00fcce sahip muktedirler koalisyonu yer al\u0131r. Harvey\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde her tarafta ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n i\u015faretleri mevcuttur.[3]<\/a>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00f6zellikle AKP\u2019nin intikam d\u00f6neminin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olarak adland\u0131rabilece\u011fimiz 2007\u2019den bu yana kent ve kentliler yo\u011fun bir sald\u0131r\u0131 alt\u0131nda. Bu sald\u0131r\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, kenti yaratan\/ya\u015fatan ve kentte ya\u015fayan yurtta\u015flar hak talepleriyle kendilerine bu sava\u015fta bir mevzi edinmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Asilerin Y\u00fckseli\u015fi: Yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n Yarat\u0131c\u0131 Y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u0130syan\/ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131 kavram\u0131 kent\/kent hakk\u0131 s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda yap\u0131c\u0131 ve \u00fcretken bir kavrama d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmekte. \u0130lk kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 Holston ve John Friedmann\u2019da g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u201cba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015f\u201d yurtta\u015fl\u0131k kavram\u0131n\u0131n anlam\u0131 ve uyarlanmas\u0131 \u00fczerindeki m\u00fccadeleyi anlat\u0131yor. Holston, ba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015fl\u0131k kavram\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz kentlerine tahakk\u00fcm eden modernizmin mekanlar\u0131n\u0131n muhalefeti olarak nitelendiriyor: Asl\u0131nda vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 modernist siyasi bir proje olarak devlet in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n tasarlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tan\u0131mdan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u015fkald\u0131ran bir boyutu var. Holston, gecekondu b\u00f6lgeleri, g\u00f6\u00e7men kamplar\u0131\u2026vb.ni isyan\u0131n mekanlar\u0131 olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yor \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu mekanlar \u00fczerinden kentte var olan, kurulmu\u015f tarihi rahats\u0131z eden yeni kimlikler, eylemler da\u011f\u0131t\u0131l\u0131yor[4]<\/a>. Asl\u0131nda ba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015f, hak talep eden bir konumdan kendini kurdu\u011fu i\u00e7in, modern vatanda\u015f tan\u0131m\u0131na da bir isyan niteli\u011finde. Zira bu kurguda, se\u00e7kinlerin \u00f6nc\u00fc olmas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 yok; varo\u015flardaki, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc b\u00f6lgelerindeki kitleler \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n devletin tasar\u0131mlar\u0131ndan de\u011fil kendi deneyimlerinden elde edilece\u011finin ve kendi kararlar\u0131n\u0131 kendilerinin verece\u011finin fark\u0131ndalar. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131nca, asl\u0131nda yurtta\u015fl\u0131k yaln\u0131zca modern bir kavram de\u011fil, dahil etme\/e\u015fitlik\/d\u0131\u015flanma \u00fczerindeki m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7eren dinamik bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in resmi bir siyasi kurumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00f6tesinde ya\u015fayan ve s\u00fcrekli kurulan bir tarihselli\u011fe g\u00f6nderme yapan bir anlama sahip.<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n Benzer \u015fekilde Friedmann da ba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 iradeyle ilan edilen ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan kurulan bir kavram; ba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015flar\u0131 ise mek\u00e2nsal s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmayan siyasi topluluklarda, mevcut haklar\u0131 koruyan ve ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni haklar talep eden ikili bir m\u00fccadele i\u00e7erisine giren, demokrasinin mekanlar\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletme m\u00fccadelesi veren projelerde aktif rol alan ve s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n \u00f6tesindeki demokratik projelere kendini adayan insanlar olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yor[5]<\/a>. Bizim i\u00e7in de olduk\u00e7a tan\u0131d\u0131k olan ve daha \u00e7ok Latin Amerika\u2019daki bar\u0131nma, su hakk\u0131, e\u015fit vatanda\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131\u2026vb m\u00fccadeleleri y\u00fcr\u00fcten halklar\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan bu kavram, \u00f6zellikle AKP\u2019nin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 2007\u2019den bu yana, kentte\/kentle m\u00fccadele veren halklar\/s\u0131n\u0131flar\/topluluklar\u0131 tan\u0131mlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da olduk\u00e7a anlaml\u0131. Kendinden ba\u015fkas\u0131na ya\u015fam hakk\u0131 tan\u0131mamakta kararl\u0131 olan AKP iktidar\u0131, kenti bir sava\u015f alan\u0131, kentte m\u00fccadele veren kentlileri \u201cyok edilmesi gereken d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u201d olarak g\u00f6rme e\u011filimindeyken, yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131n da haklar\u0131n\u0131 elinden almak i\u00e7in de \u201cya hep ya hi\u00e7\u201d m\u00fccadelesine girmi\u015f durumda. \u00d6rne\u011fin Sulukule\u2019de 2005\u2019te ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015fgale kar\u015f\u0131 bar\u0131nma haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele talebiyle yola \u00e7\u0131kan hareket, ilk olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki di\u011fer halklara\/etnik kimliklere verilen haklar\u0131 i\u00e7eren e\u015fit bir yurtta\u015fl\u0131k tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 temel alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. O d\u00f6nem bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma i\u00e7in gitti\u011fimiz Sulukule\u2019de g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmecilerden en s\u0131k duydu\u011fumuz c\u00fcmle \u201cBiz bu \u00fclkenin vatanda\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil miyiz?\u201d oluyordu. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yap\u0131lmak istenen, kent merkezlerinden en eskisi olan Beyo\u011flu\u2019na yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile bir rant merkezi olan Sulukule\u2019nin soylula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak zengin vatanda\u015f\/m\u00fc\u015fterilere sat\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. Hakl\u0131 olarak Sulukule halk\u0131, her ne kadar cevab\u0131n\u0131 bilseler de \u201cneden biz\u201d sorusunu kendilerine soruyorlard\u0131. Harvey\u2019e g\u00f6re (2013) kapitalizm \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 birikim\u201din periyodik krizleriyle m\u00fccadele ederken yap\u0131l\u0131 \u00e7evre \u00fczerindeki yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 niteleyen \u201cmekansal sabitleme\u201d \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kullan\u0131r. Ancak sermaye do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi doyumsuzdur; sermaye i\u00e7in \u201ck\u00e2r\u201d\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 yoktur ve bu s\u0131n\u0131r tan\u0131maz doyumsuzlu\u011fu tatmin etmek i\u00e7in \u00fcretti\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u201cyarat\u0131c\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131md\u0131r\u201d. <\/em><\/strong>Harvey yarat\u0131c\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 sermayenin dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in organik bir y\u00f6ntem olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr, ki s\u00fcrekli ve kesintisiz olarak yeni ihtiya\u00e7lar ve taleplerin \u00fcretilmesi bu y\u00f6ntemi hi\u00e7 durmadan besler. Co\u011frafi olarak s\u00fcrekli yer de\u011fi\u015ftiren ve kendini s\u00fcrekli olarak yeniden \u00fcreten doyumsuz sermayenin, Sulukule\u2019de izledi\u011fi politika da basit\u00e7e \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fc alanlar\u0131n\u0131 soylula\u015ft\u0131rarak yoksul\/yoksunlar\u0131 \u0130stanbul \u00e7eperlerine g\u00f6ndermeydi. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Sulukule\u2019de ya\u015fayan Romanlar \u00fc\u00e7 temel nedenden dolay\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir hedef haline gelmi\u015flerdi: (1) Kent merkezine yak\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan dolay\u0131 arsas\u0131 de\u011ferlenen topraklarda ya\u015famalar\u0131, (2) \u00d6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz bir halk olmalar\u0131 ve (3) Toplumun \u201cgenel\u201d kabullerine g\u00f6re hali haz\u0131rda \u201cmakbul\u201d vatanda\u015flar olmamalar\u0131. ,atanda\u015fl\u0131klk\u0131ilerinin, toplumun bir \u00e7ok kesimi taraf\u0131ndan bir hakaret olarak da kullan\u0131lan a\u015ftan yaz\u0131yorlar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Sulukule halk\u0131 \u00f6zellikle \u201cBir\u00e7ok kentsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm projesi aras\u0131nda\u201d[6]<\/a>\u00a0ilk olarak Sulukule\u2019nin i\u015fgal edilmesini \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz olmalar\u0131na ve kendilerinden bir ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131\/isyan beklenmiyor olmas\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131yorlard\u0131. Ancak, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman temel vatanda\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131ndan bile yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131larak, sosyal\/siyasi\/mek\u00e2nsal ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel d\u0131\u015flanmaya maruz kalan Romanlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenerek, hak talep etmeleri beklenmeyen bir hamleydi. Romanlar o d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de devletin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vatanda\u015fl\u0131k konumuna hapsolmay\u0131 reddeden, kendi tan\u0131mlad\u0131klar\u0131 \u015fekilde haklar\u0131n\u0131 talep eden, ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131 kurmaya ve muhafaza etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir sosyal hareket olarak kendilerini var ettiler ve toplum nezdinde hem tan\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131k\/kabul edilebilirlik kazand\u0131lar hem de bir\u00e7ok farkl\u0131 sosyal hareketten destek g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. David Harvey, Asi \u015eehirler\u2019de kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n h\u00e2kimiyetinin yaln\u0131zca emek g\u00fcc\u00fc de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumun hayat tarzlar\u0131, siyasi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011ferleri \u00fczerinde g\u00f6zlemlenebilece\u011fini s\u00f6ylerken beklenenin\/umulan\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir kullan\u0131m \u00f6mr\u00fc oldu\u011funu krizlerden beslenerek kan\u0131tlayan kapitalizmin, kent\/kentsel s\u00fcre\u00e7ler ve sosyal hareketler ve\/veya direni\u015fler \u00fczerinde h\u00e2kimiyet kurma m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7eker.<\/em><\/strong> Her ne kadar kentin \u00e7eperlerine s\u00fcr\u00fclmelerine engel olamam\u0131\u015f olsalar da, Sulukule hareketi asl\u0131nda tam olarak bu hakimiyetin reddi ve \u201cdi\u011fer vatanda\u015flar\u201dla e\u015fit bir yurtta\u015fl\u0131k talebinin tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak kendini kurdu ve bu sayede verilenden fazlas\u0131n\u0131 talep etmenin \u201cen zay\u0131f halka\u201d i\u00e7in bile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu g\u00f6stererek kendinden sonraki hareketler i\u00e7in olumlu bir \u00f6rnek olarak var olabildi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Ba\u015fkald\u0131ran Yurtta\u015flar Ordusu\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n \u00dczerine \u00e7ok\u00e7a yaz\u0131lan\/d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen ve hatta son d\u00f6nemde \u00e7ok\u00e7a akademik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya\/teze konu olan Gezi Park\u0131 Direni\u015fi\u2019ni de kenti talep eden, bir lidere ihtiya\u00e7 duymayan ve kent vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeyi, yeniden kurmay\u0131 k\u0131sacas\u0131 kentteki aidiyetini devletin inisiyatifine b\u0131rakmay\u0131 reddeden bir eylemlilik hali olarak okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn.<\/em> <\/strong>Bir sava\u015f alan\u0131 olan kentte kendine mevzi bulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, oyunda kendilerine aktif bir rol arayan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin pasif vatanda\u015flar\u0131 2013 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131nda h\u00fck\u00fcmet taraf\u0131ndan sunulan\u0131 reddederek hak temelli me\u015fru taleplerle meydanlara \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. <\/p>\n\n\n\n Bu, hem h\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 bir sava\u015ft\u0131; hem de kenti ele ge\u00e7iren, ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131 zapt eden sermayenin kenti de\u011fi\u015fim de\u011feri \u00fczerinden pazarlamas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 kentin kullan\u0131m de\u011feri i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan bir m\u00fccadeleydi. Friedmann\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi: demokrasi m\u00fccadelesine kendini adayan bir dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc; birbirinden farkl\u0131 ama birbiriyle alakal\u0131 bir\u00e7ok sorunla ayn\u0131 anda m\u00fccadele eden, s\u0131n\u0131r tan\u0131mayan bir \u201cyurtta\u015flar ordusu\u201dnun sava\u015f\u0131yd\u0131[8]<\/a>. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan, Gezi Park\u0131 direni\u015fi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 bir dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmas\u0131ndan; buna ek olarak s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6nderli\u011finin en az\u0131ndan hareketin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tetikleyici olmamas\u0131ndan alsa da, bu \u201cba\u015fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u00fcreklili\u011fine ve\/veya evrimine zarar veren en \u00f6nemli etkenlerden biriydi.[9]<\/a>\u00a0Gezi Park\u0131 Direni\u015fi\u2019nin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131\/ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lsa da, bu topraklardaki eylem k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc geri d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fclemez bir \u015fekilde de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi ve bu eylemler serisi sonucunda art\u0131k kendine verileni kabul eden pasif vatanda\u015flar\u0131n yerini hak talep eden ve kendi hayat\u0131n\u0131 kendisi kurmak isteyen yurtta\u015flar\u0131n ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yads\u0131namaz bir ger\u00e7ek olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda durmaktad\u0131r.<\/em><\/strong> B\u00fct\u00fcn bir eylem repertuar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesinin, ve hatta art\u0131k \u201cisyan\u201d\u0131n hakl\u0131 bir eylem bi\u00e7imi olarak kendini yoksul\/yoksun s\u0131n\u0131flar ve toplumsal gruplar i\u00e7inde kabul ettirmesinin T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in tarihsel bir mihenk ta\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Bir a\u00e7\u0131dan tan\u0131d\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz, yaln\u0131zca bir toplumsal eylem bi\u00e7iminin de\u011fi\u015fmesi de\u011fil, pasif vatanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, kendi kuraca\u011f\u0131 bir kent i\u00e7in hak talebinde bulunan, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 mekana bir de\u011fer atfeden bir kent yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kavram\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesiydi.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Yeni Emperyalizm kitab\u0131nda Harvey, yarat\u0131c\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n cebri y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc sermayenin emek g\u00fcc\u00fc de dahil varl\u0131klar\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetini ele ge\u00e7irme ve k\u00e2r ama\u00e7l\u0131 kullanmak olarak tan\u0131mlar. Bu anlamda, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde kapitalist sistemde kamu kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n ve yoksullar\u0131n varl\u0131klar\u0131, arazileri, emek g\u00fc\u00e7leri de ucuz bir fiyata sat\u0131n al\u0131narak bunlardan y\u00fcksek k\u00e2rlar elde edilir. Lefebvre\u2019ye g\u00f6re devletin ve kapitalist mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n hareketleri yoluyla, organik mekan h\u00e2kim g\u00fc\u00e7lerin- devlet ve kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n- \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131layabilmek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli par\u00e7alanarak, homojenle\u015ftirilerek soyutlan\u0131r. Bu par\u00e7alanma da en nihayetinde yurtta\u015flar\u0131n ya\u015fam alan\u0131 olan \u015fehrin- \u015fehir hayat\u0131n\u0131n- sermaye taraf\u0131ndan ele ge\u00e7irilen kapitalist kent taraf\u0131ndan yenilgisiyle sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r. Sulukule\u2019de ve Gezi Park\u0131 Direni\u015fi\u2019nde g\u00f6zlemlenen bu durum 2014\u2019te Ankara B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediyesi taraf\u0131ndan ODT\u00dc arazisine yap\u0131lan Malazgirt Bulvar\u0131\u2019nda da kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Melih G\u00f6k\u00e7ek taraf\u0131ndan \u201ckamu yarar\u0131\u201dna hizmet edece\u011fi temel al\u0131narak kampanyas\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen s\u00fcre\u00e7te, G\u00f6k\u00e7ek\u2019in elindeki en \u00f6nemli koz ODT\u00dc Y\u00f6netimine a\u011fa\u00e7lar\u0131n\/arazinin \u201cbedelini \u00f6demek\u201d olmu\u015ftu. Yap\u0131m s\u00fcrecinin ekonomik olarak k\u00e2r getirmesinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra[10]<\/a>, bir di\u011fer beklentinin siyasi bir rant (bu durumda adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131 son ana kadar tehlikede g\u00f6r\u00fcnen Melih G\u00f6k\u00e7ek\u2019in tekrar aday g\u00f6sterilme umudu) sa\u011flamak oldu\u011fu da s\u00f6ylenebilir. Bu sald\u0131r\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, art\u0131k bir refleks olarak isyan\u0131 benimsemi\u015f olan Ankara d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki kentlerde ya\u015fayan yurtta\u015flar da zaman-mekan s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmaks\u0131z\u0131n harekete ge\u00e7tiler. Toplumsal protestolar -her ne kadar ayn\u0131 yo\u011funluk ve b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011fe ula\u015famam\u0131\u015f olsa da- Gezi Park\u0131 Direni\u015fi\u2019nde oldu\u011fu gibi yaln\u0131zca fiziksel eylem olarak de\u011fil, sosyal medya, alternatif yaz\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131n, forumlar\u2026vb arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. \u0130syan eden, \u201ckesilen a\u011fa\u00e7lar\u201d \u00fczerindeki taleplerinin \u201chak\u201d oldu\u011funun bilincinde olan insanlar, Holston\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi asl\u0131nda yurtta\u015f olarak tan\u0131nma iste\u011fini de dile getiriyorlard\u0131:<\/p>\n\n\n\n \u201c\u015eehir hakk\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u201chaklara sahip olma hakk\u0131\u201dn\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan yurtta\u015flar\u0131n tan\u0131nma m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r\u2026 Yeni kavramlar\u0131n dahil olmas\u0131n\u0131 talebi mevcut sistemin i\u00e7inde kalsa dahi isyankard\u0131r. \u0130syankard\u0131r \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yurtta\u015flar\u0131n talep etti\u011fi \u2018haklara sahip olma hakk\u0131\u2019 asgari de\u011fildir. M\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan b\u00fct\u00fcn haklar\u0131n hepsini talep eder.[11]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n Asl\u0131nda ODT\u00dc yolu direni\u015finde de, yol, insanlar\u0131n \u015fimdiye kadar gasp edilen haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in vermek istedikleri m\u00fccadelenin\/ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumundayd\u0131 diyebiliriz. Yaln\u0131zca Ankara\u2019yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmayan, di\u011fer \u015fehirlere de yay\u0131lan zaman\/mekan tan\u0131mayan protesto eylemlerinin de \u00f6znesi kenti rant arac\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren sermaye ve siyasal iktidar\u0131n koalisyonuna kar\u015f\u0131 kurulmu\u015f \u201cba\u015fkald\u0131ran yurtta\u015flar\u201d ordusuydu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Kenti geri almak\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n G\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e derinle\u015fen ekonomik e\u015fitsizlikler ve sosyal adaletsizlik, etnik ve toplumsal cinsiyet temelli ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k, \u201cmekan\u0131n soyutla\u015fmas\u0131\u201d ile birle\u015fince s\u0131n\u0131flar\/gruplar\/topluluklar aras\u0131 bir koalisyonu gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yor. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u015fehir hakk\u0131 hem kaybedilen haklara\/kentsel ya\u015fama bir a\u011f\u0131t, hem de g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir talep olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Castells, Kent, S\u0131n\u0131f, \u0130ktidar\u2019da s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n art\u0131k kent m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in merkezde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eder; s\u0131n\u0131f art\u0131k bir kimli\u011fe indirgenmi\u015ftir, yani Castells\u2019e g\u00f6re kentsel bir m\u00fccadelede kad\u0131n\/ k\u00fcrt\/ ekolojist\u2026vs olmakla s\u0131n\u0131fsal aidiyet aras\u0131nda temelde bir fark yoktur. Castells\u2019in kent m\u00fccadelesinde s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n rol\u00fcn\u00fc hafife almay\u0131 ama\u00e7lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek naiflik olsa da; bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc geni\u015f bir toplumsal taban\u0131, kimlikleri ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bir kent muhalefetini s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin belirleyici rol\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenmeye bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 olarak okumak, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki sosyal hareketleri anlamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan daha yap\u0131c\u0131 bir tav\u0131r olacakt\u0131r. Sulukule\u2019den, Taksim\u2019e; ODT\u00dc\u2019den Y\u0131rca\u2019ya; Soma\u2019dan Diyarbak\u0131r\u2019a g\u00fcncel kent m\u00fccadelesinde bu geni\u015f toplumsal taban\u0131 ve bu tabandan gelen g\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn- her ne kadar \u00e7o\u011fu durumda s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6nderli\u011finin eksikli\u011fi hareketin devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan paradoksal bir zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7sa da.<\/em><\/strong> Geni\u015f toplumsal taban\u0131 sa\u011flaman\u0131n yolu da asl\u0131nda taleplerin \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011finden\/s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ve zamans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iyor; bu sayede Taksim\u2019i direni\u015f noktas\u0131 olarak alan bir hareket, Mardin\u2019de destek bulabiliyor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n Art\u0131k yurtta\u015flar ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131yor, talep ediyor, kentte radikal bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele ediyor ve devletin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 vatanda\u015fl\u0131k kavram\u0131n\u0131 yeni ba\u015ftan, bu sefer kendileri yaz\u0131yorlar.<\/em><\/strong> Kentte\/kentle muktedirlerin kenti de\u011fi\u015fim de\u011feri \u00fczerinden pazarlama giri\u015fimine kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen sava\u015f, g\u00fc\u00e7lerini birle\u015ftiren bir halk ordusuna ihtiya\u00e7 duyuyor, kenti yeniden kuracak ve kentle beraber kendi tarihini de ba\u015ftan yazacak bir orduya; yurtta\u015flar ordusuna\u2026<\/p>\n\n\n\n Duygu Tan\u0131\u015f Zafero\u011flu<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n *Bu yaz\u0131 Ayr\u0131nt\u0131Dergi Say\u0131-13’den al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r <\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n D\u0130PNOTLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n [1]<\/a> Harvey, D. (2013), Asi \u015eehirler: \u015eehir Hakk\u0131ndan Kentsel Devrime Do\u011fru<\/em>, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf.39.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [2]<\/a> Holston J. (1999), Cities and Citizenship<\/em>, Duke University Press, sf.170.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [3]<\/a> Harvey, D. (2013), sf.22.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [4]<\/a> Holston J. (1999), Cities and Citizenship<\/em>, Duke University Press, sf. 167<\/p>\n\n\n\n [5]<\/a> Friedmann, J., The Prospect of Cities<\/em>, University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis\/London, sf. 81.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [6]<\/a> O d\u00f6nemde hen\u00fcz Tarlaba\u015f\u0131\u2019nda benzer bir soylula\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 planlayan kentsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm projesi hayata ge\u00e7irilmemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n\n\n\n [7]<\/a>Harvey, David (2008). \u201cThe Right to the City\u201d, New Left Review 53, sf. 23<\/p>\n\n\n\n [8]<\/a> Friedmann, J. The Prospect of Cities<\/em>, University of Minnesota Press: Minneapolis\/London, sf. 83-84<\/p>\n\n\n\n [9]<\/a> Gezi Park\u0131 Direni\u015fi\u2019nin \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f temelli\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7ok ara\u015ft\u0131rma arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00e7ok\u00e7a vurgulanm\u0131\u015f olsa da, devrimci gelenekten gelen mahallelerin \u2013 \u0130stanbul\u2019da Gazi, Okmeydan\u0131\u2026vs; Ankara\u2019da Tuzlu\u00e7ay\u0131r, Dikmen\u2026vs- bu isyan\u0131n di\u011fer sosyal hareketlere g\u00f6re \u201cg\u00f6rece\u201d uzun ve etkili olmas\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir rol\u00fc oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorum.<\/p>\n\n\n\n